After the Nevada State Primary Election in June 2020, a Special Session of the State Legislature was called by Democratic Governor Steve Sisolak to change the state’s voting procedures. Assembly Bill 4 (AB4) is a measure modifying election procedures during periods of declared emergency as currently exists due to COVID-19.
“It is important to point out here that much of what the Democrats did was legal; but some of what they did at times also bent, and arguably sometimes broke, the rules or the law,” Peter Navarro wrote in ‘Art of the Steal.’
AB4 passed along party lines in both the Assembly and Senate, with all Republicans voting against it.
Sisolak then bypassed the Legislature to issue rule changes for the counting of ballots. Additionally, Sisolak created rules that expanded absentee and mail-in ballots while reducing scrutiny of such ballots, a contradiction of State Election Codes.
Prior to this, ‘Democracy Docket,’ founded by Marc Elias, former General Counsel to the 2016 Hillary Clinton campaign, intervened in Nevada court cases to push election law changes consistent with the Democrat Party’s Grand Strategy. Case in point: Elias and Democracy Docket supplied lawyers as ‘Intervener Defendants’ and filed motions to intercede in the ‘Election Integrity Project of Nevada v. Nevada’ case.
Elias is also the person who hired Fusion GPS to “compile the ‘Russia dossier,’” on then-Presidential candidate Donald Trump.
The Democratic Party also used a public referendum to change election laws in Nevada. This referendum was financed in part by George Soros.
Shortly after the 2016 election, organizations such as iVote and the ACLU of Nevada, both with ties to Soros, spent tens of millions of dollars in Nevada collecting 55,000 signatures to submit a petition for ‘automatic voter registration’ law changes in Nevada. The legislation passed in 2018.
It mandated that individuals be automatically registered to vote when receiving services from the Nevada Department of Motor Vehicles, such as obtaining a renewal or change of address for a license or identification card. In order to not be registered to vote, individuals would have to decline the registration by submitting a request in writing.
In April 2015, Secretary of State Barbara Cegavske called out the DMV for this very practice, pointing to how DMV employees were instructed to accept voter registration information from all customers and are a misinterpretation of the law, ordering the DMV to stop the practice.
“Please take appropriate corrective action, as we have reason to believe that non-citizens have unlawfully registered to vote in Nevada as a direct result of DMV’s practices, “Cegavske wrote. “The integrity of the entire election process, from voter registration to the casting of ballots, is always my number one concern.”
On Aug. 3, 2020, Sisolak signed AB4 into law, directing election officials to distribute mail-in ballots automatically to all active registered voters for the Nov. 3, 2020, General Election. This bill also gave Sisolak the authority to bypass the Secretary of State’s (SoS) office to adjust election procedures during the declared state of emergency.
Following AB4’s passage, Cegavske acknowledged in a statement, that it was her job to “enforce laws rather than make them.”
This led to roughly 15,000 mail-in or absentee ballots counted in Nevada from voters who had voted in other states. AB4 also legalized the practice of ballot harvesting which is the collecting of absentee voters’ ballots by an individual, who then is to drop them off at polling places or election offices.
Sisolak also pushed for lower voter identification standards, by relaxing signature match requirements, bringing into question hundreds of thousands of cast ballots. The new legislation also allowed voters over sixty-five and who have a disability or are unable to read or write to have someone assist them in physically marking signatures on their ballots.
These relaxed rules thereby have called into question at least some of the 400,000 ballots cast by Nevadans aged 65 and older. These ‘created rules’ also contributed to a questionable statewide absentee ballot rejection rate that dropped from 1.6 percent in 2016 to 0.58 percent in 2020.
Finally, Nevada election officials were given a ballot-curing extension for up to a week after Election Day, increasing the likelihood of fraud. If there is an issue with an absentee ballot, such as a signature-matching issue or a missing witness signature, Nevada allows the voter a chance to fix their ballot to help avoid their ballot not being counting.
But because of a newly designed envelope that automatically separated from the ballot, the envelope was often discarded during the counting process. This made it nearly impossible to ascertain which ballot came from what envelope.
Finally, the SoS’s office wrote in a ‘frequently asked questions’ memo for reporters the day following the election that voters who require a signature cure have until 5 p.m. on Nov. 12 to provide the required signature confirmation, and once that is done successfully by the deadline, the voter “will have their ballot counted.”
So far, no figure on the number of ballots not counted has been issued by the SoS’s office. The office has also stated that there has been ‘no widespread voter fraud’ found in Nevada.
“A single complaint or single investigation may include multiple allegations of fraud or multiple suspects. A focus simply on the number of complaints received or active investigations runs the risk of masking the true scope of a complaint or investigation,” a statement from the secretary of state’s office read. “Many voter fraud complaints lack any evidence and are more complaints about process or policy.”